On the First Family’s ‘integrity’

Written by  Herman Tiu Laurel
Monday, 15 July 2013 08:00
Tribune Online

 

Since the corruption story about the First Family came out, there has been a tremendous public relations effort to put out the fires of speculation around it. The First Family is, of course, the bachelor BS Aquino III, his sisters, and his brothers-in-law. The speculation involves an alleged “advance” from Czech company Inekon to a group led by presidential brother-in-law Eldon Cruz, whose wife is Ballsy Aquino (the most Cory Aquino look-alike of the four sisters), apparently in exchange for a contract to supply light-railway train coaches to the Metro Rail Transit Corp.

 

The source of the speculation was an AM radio report citing unnamed informants. Subsequently, radio station dzRH reported that a Czech Republic representative to the Philippines was readying to spit out the details.

 

Malacañang doused the fires with every resource in its command, including media assets such as this newspaper publisher who represents the kind of media that would defend today’s First Family. But let me get right to the point of this piece: We do not even need the present Inekon controversy to know the true nature of the Aquino-Cojuangco family and its entire political clan.

 

One only needs to look at the prime example of the corrupt character of the family: The history of one of its prized family jewels, Hacienda Luisita, a piece of around 6,500 hectares of land bigger than the cities of Makati and Pasay combined, finagled through political connections and funded by public funds, which the family refused to return to the farmers as stipulated in the original agreement.

 

What the Aquino-Cojuangcos did in the Hacienda Luisita deal, however, is not unique to them. It is the trademark of the prevailing ruling class that “owns” the country. By “ruling class,” we do not refer simply to “the rich” but “the rich intertwined with the politics and foreign relations of this country.” They are the ones who really make the decisions and are responsible for deposing our elected leaders. The Edsa II coup against Erap Estrada, for instance, had to have the imprimatur of Cory Aquino, in much the same way that Estrada’s “redemption” years later had to be lent some added weight by that Yellow figurehead’s apology.

 

Speaking of that episode in our history, what were the real motives of much of the Aquino-Cojuangcos in eventually going against Gloria Arroyo? Was it not Gloria’s countermove post-Hyatt 10 of refusing to extend the Hacienda Luisita “behest” lease? Was it not the same in the case of BS Aquino’s “conviction” of former Chief Justice Renato Corona?

 

A very explicit example of how the “immaculate” clan members go about their unobtrusive operations is the case of the PLDT telecommunications gateway during the time of Cory Aquino. We have as witness a bona fide but rebellious and socialist-minded former National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) insider Linggoy Alcuaz, who is sometimes dubbed by cousins as a “traitor to his own class,” knowing that he tried to break the PLDT monopoly of the international gateway at that time, in the mid-80s.

 

For his anti-Marcos activism, Alcuaz was appointed NTC commissioner. Knowing how he can be bullheaded and independent, the Aquinos made sure they had control of the two deputy commissioners, such that each of them was recommended by sons-in-law Eldon Cruz and Manolo Abeleda. When Alcuaz signed the additional gateways to two PLDT competitors, the deputy commissioner recommended by Eldon Cruz ran to him trembling and pleading, “Eldon called. What am I to do?” to which he said that that he had the sole responsibility. Alcuaz was eventually fired by Cory Aquino, though he contends that it was because of a coup prediction he made. Others, though, believe it was really because of that PLDT gateway issue. Having said that, influence peddling is still the least of the crimes of the clan.

 

Historical evidence of the Aquino-Cojuangcos’ crony and bureaucrat capitalism, as well as obsequious allegiance to predatory powers for their self-aggrandizement, is outstanding. Many Filipinos now know of Doña Isidra Cojuangco and the missing revolutionary treasury of the Katipunan. The Aquino-Cojuangcos’ defense, cited in one account, is that they were “aided by free rail transport to Manila markets from their rice mill in Paniqui (the commercial rate at that time being P2.50 per sack), as a gift from General Arthur MacArthur, whom they assisted with accommodation and storage space during the American advance.” The problem is, “in this period rice production in Tarlac was hampered not only by war, but also by severe floods and locust plagues.” Thus, “it is difficult to see how this… two-hectare property and small rice mill in 1896… (grew to become) 2,000 hectares along the rail line by 1901.”

 

After abandoning the Philippine Revolution in favor of American colonizers, the Aquino-Cojuangcos were just as quick to join the Japanese Imperial forces, serving as political props for the new occupying powers. Grandfather Benigno Simeon Aquino Sr. served as head of parliament of the puppet government while grandmother Aurora Aquino led its women’s bureau. How much did they profit then? Honestly, isn’t this claimed extortion possible that the Czechs reportedly allege today? Hell, yeah!

 

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