The defeat of the Philippine Partylist System

The defeat of the Philippine Partylist System

The party-list system is designed to create a healthy democracy, providing a citizens' voice in Congress and in local government. The Philippine party-list system aims to increase the representation, particularly of "marginalized and underrepresented" sectors and enhance transparency and accountability, leading to more efficient government. Political parties are strengthened, encouraging program and platform-based politics instead of weak affiliations between opportunists. This challenges moneyed and patronage politics that have bred corruption and inefficiency, hindering the country's development.

In the Philippines, voters have two votes for their congressional representatives. The first elects a district representative. The second elects a party-list representative. Twenty percent of the 260 seats in the House of Representatives are reserved for party-list. Every 2% of total party-list votes cast gets a seat in the House, with each party allowed only a maximum of three seats.

District representatives serve their own district, tending to make laws for the good of their constituencies alone e.g. building sheds, basketball courts, etc. Party-list representatives, on the other hand, are national candidates elected by voters countrywide and thus have a broad vision for national good. They are not the "trapos" (traditional politicians) whose party loyalties is superficial and who are chosen for their popularity. They sit in the House for a party that is elected to Congress on the basis of its electoral platform and thus push their party's programs. They are accountable to the party they represent and can be removed and replaced by it if they violate its principles or programs, as in the case of corruption.

The party-list system is based on Republic Act 7941 which was signed into law on March 3, 1995. In keeping with the call for "new politics", this system reflects the move towards program-based politics focused on competent parties with comprehensive programs rather than on personalities and "trapos".

The encroachment of “trapos” and moneyed entities in the Partylist system

Some party-list organizations were: sectoral groups (such as Abanse! Pinay representing women, NFSCFO representing small coconut farmers and Migrante Partido Sektoral ng Manggagawang Migrante at ng Kanilang Pamilya); people's organizations (ABA representing farmers, peasants and fisherfolk, AKO representing the urban poor); as well as multi-sectoral coalitions (Sanlakas for instance); and political parties (like Akbayan!). In the 2001 elections, only 64 met the 8-point guideline issued by the Supreme Court.

In the May 2004 elections, progressive party-list organizations will field local candidates across the country as part of their commitment to improve local governance, strengthen local government units and make them accessible and accountable to the people. They will also support progressive senatorial bets as well as campaign against corrupt and turncoat candidates, those who consistently take anti-people positions on crucial national issues and incompetents or non-performers who personify the worst in traditional politics and are dangers to democracy.

The others, big traditional parties like Lakas and NPC, Filipino Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Inc. controlled by Lucio Tan (hardly a "marginalized and underrepresented" sector), actor Richard Gomez' DILG/PNP-related and government-funded Mamamayang Ayaw sa Droga, and the True Marcos Loyalist Association and many more that were formed or backed by members of powerful political parties and dynasties, clearly defeat the spirit and purpose of the party-list system, must be disqualified and banned.

In the midterm elections of 2013, with the COMELEC’s “yes-no” rules on the “trapo” and non marginalized and other “undesirable” partylist organizations, the widely feared electronic frauds on the PCOS machines used in the vote count processes, many deserving partylist of the true marginalized and under-represented groups has been elbowed out to oblivion. Cases like the zero vote of a partylist in a precinct whch was expected to win was greatly questioned. The COMELEC’s refusal to give credit on the criticisms and questions by accredited “ELECTION WATCHDOGS” were highly suspicious. The highly questionable source code scandal and the suspicious malfunctions and the unexpected ‘brownouts’ in Hong kong, a very rare occurrence in that city also gave much doubts on the outcome of the balloting.

Deliberations on the results of the Partylist election this year, it is apparent that the top nominees of the winning partylist goups are dominated bythe rich, powerful clans or backed by elites and political parties. Some are even disqualified groups. Only a very few of the true marginalized and under-represented groups has reached the winning number of votes. Does this mean the Marginalized and under-represented does not want to be represented in the country’s law making body? Very doubtful.

Indeed, this is a defeat for the ideals of the Partylist system in the Philippines.